Chapter 4: The Well-Being of Children: Does Migration Matter? |
| Comparisons between the children of migrants and the children of nonmigrants (and further comparisons of the children of different types of migrants) provide some measure of migration outcomes on selected indicators of well-being. By limiting the respondents to children coming from two-parent families, the comparisons will not be affected by extraneous factors. This detail is important to keep in mind in the interpretation of the findings. We begin by turning to dimensions which show marked differences in the conditions or perceptions of the children of migrants relative to the children of non-migrants. Where Migration Clearly Matters Socio-economic Status The family’s socio-economic status (SES) shows a very clear divide between the children of migrants and the children of non-migrants. This came out whether the measure was perceived social class or the more “objective” indicators, such as home ownership and ownership of durable goods. The children’s perception of their family’s class status was measured by the question: “Filipino families have different statuses in life. Some are poor, some are not poor, and some are in the middle. In this card, where would you locate your family?” Most of the children, especially the children of migrants, put their families in the middle (Table 6). Compared with non-OFW children, fewer OFW children considered their families as poor (31.2 percent among non- OFW children vs. 12 percent among OFW children); conversely, more OFW children considered their families as not poor compared with non- OFW children (28 percent vs. 19 percent). The children’s perceptions about their families’ SES are also supported by children’s reports on home ownership and ownership of durable goods. Families of migrants are more likely to own homes than non-migrant families. Also, migrant families owned more appliances than non-migrant families (8.41 vs. 5.65). Ownership of major appliances was distinctly higher among migrant families. The access of migrant families to communication facilities is also very notable _ OFW families are twice more likely to have a landline telephone connection than non-OFW families (63 percent vs. 29 percent). Ownership of cell phones is even more telling: some 94 percent of migrant families had cell phones as opposed to 60 percent among non-migrant families. Children of migrants have also become part of the proli-feration of cell phones _ more than a third (35 percent) of OFW children had their own cell phones compared with only 12 percent among non-OFW. This access to communications technology plays an important part in linking family members separated by borders (see Box 6). Gender Roles in the Family The migration of one or both parents has definitely rearranged the division of labor in the family during the time when fathers, mothers or both parents are abroad. This is shown in Table 7 where the parent(s) expected to be responsible for taking care of the material and emotional needs of the young is (are) being replaced by other family or household members. Among the children of non-migrants, gender roles in the family can be summarized as follows: mothers were the ones largely responsible for caregiving, preparing the food, taking care of the house, helping with the children's school work, attending programs and meetings at school; disciplining the children; teaching the children about faith; teaching them good manners; and teaching them about what is right and wrong. Fathers were largely responsible for earning money, and sharing with mothers the tasks of disciplining the children and teaching them what is right and wrong. The arrangement described above only holds true among OFW families where the fathers worked abroad. For these families, fathers brought home the bacon so to speak, but mothers had to take care of everything else. In the absence of the fathers, it can be seen that a higher percentage of mothers had to assume responsibilities that were otherwise shared by fathers in non-migrant families. The rearrangement of gender roles is more evident among OFW families where mothers or both parents are not present. For these families, the provider-father and nurturer-mother roles have given way to the following configurations:
When children were asked to identify who were responsible for taking care of them, 85 percent named their mothers. However, when mothers and both parents were abroad, fathers and other female relatives were mentioned as the primary caregivers. Where Migration Seems to Matter, But… Being Family/Family Relationships To have a better gauge about the parents' marriage, the study looked into the children's perception of their parents' relationship. In general, the children viewed their parents' marriage as positive _ less than three percent noted that their parents were often not in good terms (Table 8). Majority of the OFW and non-OFW children (59 percent) described their parents' relationship as very good (magkasundong-magkasundo). More OFW children described their parents' relationship as very good compared with non-OFW children (70 percent vs. 59 percent). However, among the children of migrants, the children of migrant mothers were the least likely to describe their parents' relationship in the same light. The mean scores of the children's assessment of their parents' relationship and their own relationship to various family members show interesting patterns. Mean scores were computed using a four-point scale ranging from "1" (not very good) to "4" (very good). The mean scores indicate that the children saw their parents' relationship as good to very good (mean of 3.57), with OFW children reporting a higher mean score compared to non-OFW children (3.66 vs. 3.56). Among OFW children, however, the children of migrant mothers had the lowest score compared to children from other migrant and non-migrant families. The Battistella and Conaco study (1998, 1996) also noted that children in mother-absent families were more likely to describe their parents' relationship as problematic. The persistence of this finding over time suggests that the cracks in the marriage in mother-absent families may have prompted the mothers' migration. Where divorce is not an option or legal separation is a long process, migration is one of the few options available to women wanting a way out of a difficult marriage. On the whole, most of the children reported good to very good relationship with other family members. Mothers figured as the family member the children were closest to. In addition, mothers were also mentioned as the persons they wanted to be close to (see also Liwag et al., 1998). Other male family members were more likely to be mentioned as persons in the family the children felt distant to. The strength of family relationship, particularly the children's closeness to their parents, is reflected in the children's choice of their parents as role models. Indeed, despite the hype about celebrities and sports personalities, majority of the children (64.1 percent) chose their parents as the persons they would like to be. Similar findings were tapped by other studies among young people (Abrera, 2002; Sandoval et al., 1998). Although the age group (15-21 years old) is different, a Social Weather Survey of young people in 1996 found that young Filipinos were more likely to report a good relationship with their parents compared with young Americans (Sandoval et al., 1998). Communication Makes Family Most of the children - about three in four - said that they could talk to their parents about anything (Table 9). However, the frequency of communication between children and parents is on the low side: majority of the children (58.3 percent) reported that they talk with their parents only "sometimes." For the children of migrants, the majority said that they had regular communication with their migrant parents. At most, some 10 percent (the children of seafarers) reported that they had no regular communication with their migrant parents. The importance of keeping in touch between those left behind and those who migrated was particularly highlighted in the FGDs. Separated by migration, participants, particularly the caregivers, related that communication not only kept family members updated about what goes on in their daily life (for migrant parents, hearing the voice of their family members was very important), but it has also made it possible for fathers and mothers to continue their parenting role. Through phone calls, migrant parents are consulted over decisions affecting the family, including discipline issues concerning the children. Letters, the traditional way of communication between migrants and the left-behind families, have definitely been replaced by the telephone and SMS (short messaging services) or texting (see also Box 6). As may be recalled, the children of migrants had higher ownership of cell phones compared to the children of non-migrants; OFW families also had higher ownership of landline telephones and cell phones. With cheaper long-distance calls, the FGDs confirm the frequency of contacts and more opportunities for family members, including children, to communicate with migrant family members.10 Academic Indicators As noted earlier, more children of migrants were enrolled in private schools than the children of non-migrants. The investments OFW families make on education are not surprising since providing for the education of children (and other family members) is one of the reasons motivating people to work abroad. Nine out of 10 children reported that they were happy or very happy with school (Table 10). The children's responses to the importance they attached to high grades, gaining knowledge, learning good manners and seeing their friends in school were quite similar across all groups. Getting high grades registered the highest importance. At least during elementary, the children of migrants perform well in school. In fact, they have fared slightly better than the children of non-migrants in several indices of academic performance. As a measure of school performance, the study looked into the child's general weighted average (GWA) during the past school year (2002-2003), awards received in the past three years, inclusion in the honor roll or top 10, participation in extra-curricular activities, and experience of failing or repeating a grade level. Although the children of OFWs had higher general weighted average compared to non-migrant children (83.7 vs. 82.3) last school year, the dif-ference is not so marked. In terms of awards received in school in the past three years, around 31 percent of the children of migrants have received various awards in school, with 23 percent receiving academic awards. The corresponding figures among children with both parents present are much lower, at 20 percent and 13 percent, respectively. When the grades and awards of parent absent children were compared, the children of mother-absent families did not do as well in school as those who had fathers working abroad or both parents working abroad. Many more children of migrants are included in the honor roll and are more involved in extracurricular activities. The data on failing or repeating a grade level also attest to OFW children's good performance: fewer OFW children (three percent) repeated a grade level compared to children of non-migrants (11 percent). Turning to factors that could account for these school outcomes, the study examined the number of hours children spent studying, the number of hours spent in school, and number of absences. Around 60 percent of children, regardless of parents' migration status, spend one to two hours studying at home. However, non-migrant children spend longer hours in school than the children of migrants. About 65.5 percent of non-migrant children reported spending nine hours or more in school compared to 56.3 percent among children of migrants. The children of migrants have slightly fewer absences compared to those of non-migrants for both the present and the previous school years. During the month preceding the interview, chil-dren of non-migrants averaged 2.08 absences, while children of migrants had a mean of 1.93. Sickness was the most common reason why the children missed school. In general, thus, the children of migrants are doing well in school, registering even better school outcomes than the children of non-migrants. Among the OFW children, however, the children of migrant mothers tend to score lower than the other children. This finding also came out in the 1996 study and seems to suggest the importance of mothers' presence in the academic performance of the children. Physical Health The study tried to get some objective indicators of physical wellbeing, like the height and weight measurements of the children. However, such infor-mation was patchy, except for those in Negros Occidental, which provided complete data. Because of this, the analysis of the height and weight data would be limited to the Negros sub-sample. Based on the data, the children of migrants are generally taller and heavier than the children of non-migrants (Table 11). Among the females, the children of sea-based fathers are the tallest (mean height of 145.32 cm) compared to the children of other migrant groups. They are also the heaviest (mean weight of 42.45 kg). With the males, however, the children with both parents absent are the tallest (mean height of 143.36 cm) and the heaviest (mean weight of 44 kg) compared to children of other migrant groups. Comparing children across migrant categories, those with land-based fathers working abroad were found to be the shortest and lightest, regardless of gender. In the pre-teen age group (10-12 years), the female children were also found to be taller and heavier than their male counterparts, since most of the children have yet to experience physical changes due to puberty. Unlike the 1996 study, the present study did not find any negative impact of mother's absence on the children's physical well-being. It appears that the higher socio-economic status of parent absent families may have more bearing on the nutritional status of the children. The role of caregivers of parent-absent children may also be a factor in affecting the children's physical well-being. Caregivers seem to have ensured that the children's health does not suffer in the absence of their parents. Similar findings also emerge in the children's susceptibility to common ailments. A. Susceptibility to Common Ailments Susceptibility to common ailments was explored by the question: "How often do you experience any of the following: cold, coughing, fever/flu, headache, stomachache, and loss of appetite."11 Children's responses were categorized into: (1) not experienced it at all, (2) rarely, (3) sometimes, and (4) oftentimes. Based on the children's self-report, the study found that, in general, the children of non-migrants are more susceptible to illnesses than the children of migrants (Table 11) - this is suggested by the slightly higher mean scores of the children of non-migrants vis-à-vis the children of migrants. This finding differs from the 1996 study which did not find appreciable differences in the health outcomes of the two groups. When comparing the mean scores among the children of parent absent families, mother-absent children were observed to be the most susceptible to cold, cough, headache, stomachache and loss of appetite. The differences are slight, but they suggest that the mother's absence is associated with the children falling ill. In contrast, children with both parents who are migrants appear to be the most resistant to common ailments. Fewer children with both parents abroad reported experiencing cold, headache and stomachache. B. Healthy Practices Simple indicators of health-promoting practices and behaviors were explored in terms of the amount of sleep and personal hygiene. Most of the children enjoy adequate sleep, with about 70 percent sleeping more than eight hours daily (Table 11). However, more children of non-migrant parents get more than eight hours of sleep daily compared to children of migrants (70.4 percent vs. 65.3 percent). Among parent-absent children, those with mothers absent get the least amount of sleep per day (60 percent). For personal hygiene, basic health practices such as hand washing, tooth brushing and bathing were asked of the children. Of these measures, some variability was noted in the children's daily bath habits. Children of migrants reportedly take a bath more often weekly than non-migrant children. Current Abuse The vulnerability of children to abuse and violence is one of the worrying aspects about parental absence. Thus, the study attempted to determine the extent and the kind of abuse or violence experienced by young children using the indicator "current abuse" which was used by the Department of Health in its baseline survey (Department of Health, n.d.). Current abuse refers to "a person's experience of any form of abusive or violent behavior at least once during the current year of his/her life, either inflicted by a family member or other people, or both" (p.182). The study defined "current year" as the past 12 months. The measure does not identify where the abuse took place nor does it identify the source of abuse. The study utilized certain indices to determine if children had been subjected to various forms of abuse, violence or neglect. Children were asked if they had ever experienced (at least once in the past 12 months) being cussed at, belittled, intimidated, hurt, abandoned or touched in sensitive areas. Aware of the sensitivity of the issue, it was stressed during the training of interviewers to ask this question in a very straightforward way and not to push it if the children were not inclined to give any response. No details and further probing were pursued. Generally, the most common form of abuse reported by the children was verbal (48.4 percent had been cussed at in the past year); intimidating and hurting children were also quite widespread (42.1 percent). Less common were reports of being abandoned or being touched in sensitive areas of the body (at most, this was reported by 12 percent of the respondents). Incidents of abuse or violence were experienced more by the children of non-migrants (Table 12). When the child's gender was controlled, boys reported higher incidence of abuse than girls, and this was true for all types of abuse. Among children of migrants, male children also reported experiencing more abuse than female children. Gender differences were largest for such abuses as being belittled and being hurt. The feeling of being abandoned was rather pronounced among the children of migrant mothers (boys and girls alike); this was also high for boys whose two parents were abroad. Overall, despite the presence of both parents, children of non-migrants were more likely to report being abandoned than the children of migrants. It is possible that the pressure of earning a living may have kept parents from spending more time with their children. This finding can be related to the observation among urban poor families wherein pansin (attention) came out as the number one stressor among children; pag-aaral (education) and magulang (specifically, the fights or quarrels of their parents) were the other major concerns (Arellano-Carandang, 2001:19, 21). The boys left behind by migrant parents were particularly vulnerable to being touched in sensitive areas. More left-behind boys than non-migrant children claimed that they had experienced this problem (10.4 percent vs. 9.5 per-cent), and this was highest among the sons of land-based migrant fathers (12.4 percent) and where both parents were abroad (12.7 percent). Fewer girls reported this experience (the highest was 6.1 percent among girls who had both parents abroad). General Well-being An overall measure of well-being was tapped by the children's responses to the following question: "Overall, would you say that you are very happy, somewhat happy, somewhat unhappy, and very unhappy?" On the whole, the mean scores suggest that the children described themselves as somewhat happy to very happy (Table 13). Looking at the res-ponse categories, it is interesting to note that none of the children considered themselves as very unhappy; rather the responses generally reflect much optimism. Although the differences are slight, among the children of migrants, the children of migrant mothers and those with both parents abroad tend to have lower mean scores than the children of migrant fathers. The study also probed into specific aspects of daily life which the children were busiest with, what posed the most problem to them, and what made them happiest. Among the choices presented to them, the children said they were most preoccupied with school (69 percent). Moreover, school matters not only kept the children busy, they also posed the most problem (or stressor) to them. The emphasis on education (specifically, doing well in school) in Filipino families can be a source of stress to the children (Arellano-Carandang, 1995; 2001). Although respondents also acknowledged problems with other issues - money, family, relationship with teachers and classmates, relationship with friends - school was mentioned by most respondents (32 percent). On the other hand, the source of happiness for the majority of children (67 percent) was the family. Among the children of migrants, children who had both parents abroad were the least likely (49 percent) to identify the family as that which made them happiest. Thus, during this period, children are most pressured by school requirements while the source of their happiness is the family. A. Emotional Health Several questions measuring anxiety and loneliness were included in the survey. A modified Social Anxiety Scale (SAS) and Loneliness Scale (LS) were computed to provide summary measures. The modified SAS ranged in value from 0 to 12 while LS values went from 2 to 24 _ the higher the score, the higher the levels of anxiety and loneliness, respectively. Other indicators of emotional health can be gauged from the mean scores on children's responses to specific feeling states. The present study suggests that the children of migrants are less anxious and less lonely compared with the children of non-migrants (Table 13) these findings depart from what was observed in the 1996 study. What is consistent with the earlier study is the pattern of children of migrant mothers scoring higher in anxiety and loneliness scales. It must be qualified, however, that the differences are slight. When the other measures are considered, the same pattern holds. The children of migrant mothers reported feeling lonely, angry, unloved, unfeeling, afraid, different from the other children, and worried compared to all other groups of children, including non-OFW children. B. Access to Social Support Almost all of the chidlren (98.5 percent) claimed that they had close friends. Their usual activities with their friends were playing, helping each other withschool-work and talking. The study probed whether children had encountered problems in several life areas - assignments and school-related work, relationships with teachers, classmates, siblings and parents, and "crushes" - and whether they had access to some support if they did. Virtually everyone reported having had problems with school-related work; the least of their problems had to do with crushes (28.9 percent said that this was not a problem). When the problem relates to school matters, children readily seek out other family members - typically, mothers, and to some extent, siblings and fathers (some departures are observed in the case of OFW children). If the problem concerns teachers, classmates and siblings, at least nine out of 10 children approach someone; if the problem has to do with parents or crushes, 22 percent and 25 percent, respectively, do not approach anyone. Other than approaching mothers and other family members, children also turned to teachers (particularly when the problems concern classmates) and friends (specifically for concerns related to crushes). At this stage, children are dependent on family members, es-pecially mothers, for support. Due to the changed configuration and composition of migrant households, a lower percentage of the children in migrant families consulted with mothers. What is important to highlight is the fact that children have access to some support and that for the most part, they take an active part in doing something about difficulties that they encounter. Where Migration Does Not Seem to Matter In the earlier sections, we have considered outcomes in terms of measures such as the economic status of the children's families, gender roles in the family, family relationships, academic performance and so forth. In addition to outcomes, the 2003 Children and Families Study also probed into the socialization of children, i.e., the "inputs" side of the equation, which may have a bearing on indicators of outcomes. The Socialization of Children In the Philippines, many studies have documented the contributions of children in household chores. The FGDs with caregivers confirm the importance of assigning some chores to children as part of responsibility training. According to Table 14, the most common chores assigned to children are cleaning the house (90 percent) and setting the table/washing dishes (83 percent). Close to half of the children said that they render help in the following: taking care of their siblings, helping siblings with school assignments, buying items, and watering plants/taking care of animals. Fewer children were assigned cooking/marketing and washing/ironing clothes. Chore by chore, the study found that more non-OFW children are given assignments: non-OFW children have, on the average, 4.17 chores while OFW children were assigned 3.63 chores. Values and Spiritual Formation The transmission of values, including spiritual formation, from one generation to the next is one of the major responsibilities vested in the family. Data in Table 15 indicate that whether parents are present or other caregivers are stepping in as parents, the values taught to children are very similar. The rankings of the values may differ somewhat for children in OFW families and those in non-OFW families - likewise, the rankings may shift a little among children of different migrants - but what is quite striking is the convergence in the kinds of values passed on to children. The top ranking values nurture sensitivity to other people: good manners/kindness, generosity and obedience. Foremost child psychologist Arellano-Carandang (2001) noted that a Filipino child has to learn a lot of pakiramdaman (feeling out) in navigating through the extended family system. Interestingly, fostering independence is less emphasized. Almost all the children had a religious affiliation. The majority -- 82 percent -- were Roman Catholic. The rest identified themselves as belonging to other religions or churches: 4.5 percent were Iglesia ni Cristo; 2 percent were Protestant; 4.4 percent were born-again; 0.6 percent was Islam; and 6.6 percent belonged to other churches. Belief in God was not only nearly universal (98.6 percent), but also very important in the children's life. Asked to rate the importance of God in their lives on a 10-point scale, about nine in 10 children across all groups answered "10." In terms of religious practices, the picture is less solid. The modal response to frequency of visits to the church or mosque is "sometimes" (49.3 percent). Only 30 percent said that they often went to the church or mosque, with the figure being higher among the children of migrants than among non-migrants (42 percent vs. 30 percent). More children reported saying prayers often (49 percent), and again, more children of migrants reported that they prayed often than the children of non-migrants (57.1 percent vs. 48.5 percent). Close to 90 percent of respondents said that they prayed as a family, with most respondents reporting that they "sometimes" and "often" prayed together. The Future What do the children want to be when they grow up? Among the girls, regardless of the parents' migration status, the most popular choices are careers in medicine/nursing, teaching and engineering/architecture (Table 16). For children with two migrant parents, the third choice for a future career is to be a performing artist. Among the boys, across all groups, the top choices are careers in medicine/nursing, followed by engineering/architecture, and the military. Sons of seafarers somehow departed from the pattern; for this group, the third choice is to become seafarers, reflecting the influence of the fathers' occupations on the sons' career goals. The prospect of entering a new phase, adolescence, was something that two-thirds of the children were looking forward to; another 18 percent said that they also looked forward to becoming teen-agers, but had some reservations; and 16 percent claimed that they were not that keen. Of the latter group, more children of migrant mothers expressed this sentiment. With a lifetime ahead of them, how did the children view their future? Overwhelmingly, the children anticipated a good future: nine out of 10 held a positive view of what the future holds for them. The rest were either less hopeful about the future or did not know what awaits them. --------------------------------------- |
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